Conceptualizing Employee Silence and Employee Voice as Multidimensional Constructs
The classic, extremely widely cited theoretical foundation for treating voice and silence as separate, multidimensional constructs rather than as simple opposites of the same underlying behaviour, differentiated not by whether someone speaks but by why. Proposes three types of silence, distinguished purely by underlying motive rather than by the overt behaviour of staying quiet: acquiescent silence, a passive, disengaged withholding rooted in resignation, essentially giving up rather than actively protecting anything; defensive silence, a more proactive, self-protective withholding driven by fear, the most self-interested of the three; and prosocial silence, a genuinely other-oriented withholding aimed at benefiting colleagues or the organisation, such as keeping a confidence or choosing not to share something out of loyalty. Proposes three parallel types of voice along the same three motives: acquiescent voice, compliant expression of support for the status quo out of disengagement rather than genuine belief; defensive voice, self-protective speaking up aimed at covering oneself or shifting blame; and prosocial voice, genuinely constructive, other-oriented speaking up, which the paper notes is the only form of voice most of the literature implicitly studies, treating the other two as if they didn't exist.
The paper's central theoretical claim, which anticipates by nearly two decades what Sherf, Parke and Isaakyan (2021) would later demonstrate empirically (already in this corpus), is that silence and voice can't simply be treated as mirror images of one continuum, because they differ fundamentally in how observable they are: voice at least gives an observer some content to interpret, however imperfectly, while silence is the absence of any directly observable act at all, meaning observers have to infer motive from indirect cues and are systematically more likely to misattribute the reasons behind someone's silence than behind their voice. This differential ambiguity has a genuinely important downstream consequence the paper works through in detail: because the same act of staying quiet could plausibly be read by a manager as laziness, thoughtful loyalty, fear, or simple disengagement, and there is little direct evidence available to correct a wrong guess, silence produces more variable and more incongruent consequences for employees than voice does, with genuinely prosocial silence, staying quiet to protect a colleague, for instance, at real risk of being misread and punished as disengagement, while some disengaged, resigned silence might get mistaken for admirable restraint and go unchallenged. The prosocial silence category is itself worth flagging as a direct, decades-earlier conceptual ancestor of Edmondson and Besieux's (2021) 'processing' category, already in this corpus: both papers independently insist that some silence is a genuinely good, other-oriented choice rather than either fear or laziness, just via different specific frameworks published nearly twenty years apart.
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